It had equal status juridically with the aristocracy, with which it shared the exercise of feudal ownership of land, and the use of state privileges connected with property. (Q. Hoare and G. N. Smith. Remembering Mrinal Sen: Filmmaker, Comrade, Humanist, It’s Time to Reclaim Our Campuses, Canteens and Libraries, “My mother’s experiences inspired me to research on tea plantation workers”, TMC’s Welfare Myth and the State of Unemployment in West Bengal, Blatant Violation of Reservation in CFTIs: SFI. A Mosca’s Elementi di Sciena Politico (new expanded edition, 1923) are worth looking at in this connection. Student Struggle is the journal of the Central Executive Committee of The Students’ Federation of India (SFI). Both Kulturkampf and Dreyfus case can also be seen as aspects of the bourgeois-democratic struggle against the residues of reactionary social forces. Gli intellettuali e l'organizzazione della cultura, Edited by F. Platone. These intellectuals, Gramsci noted, give ‘homogeneity and awareness of its own function’ to their respective classes. It reaches a level of absurdity in East Asia, where the religion of the people often has nothing whatever to do with that of books, although the two are called by the same name. All men are intellectuals, one could therefore say: but not all men have in society the function of intellectuals.[D]. This division of labour within the movement was vigorously contested by Lenin, who declares, in What is to be Done, that in the revolutionary party “all distinctions as between workers and intellectuals... must be obliterated”. 2 Questions of censorship apart, Gramsci’s terminology presents a number of difficulties to the translator. Antonio Francesco Gramsci. 16 Max Weber, Parlament und Regierung im neugeordnetem Deutchland. Their views emerge but might dissipate unless they are rooted in a social or political movement, preferably in a political party of some kind. It thus comes about that Free Masonry and forms of cultural organisation like the “positivist Church” are very influential in the opposition to Jesuitism. What is the character of the political party in relation to the problem of the intellectuals? Technical and, at the academic level, “scientific” colleges tend to be concentrated in the Northern industrial areas. What Marx meant was plain – that intellectuals of his day busied themselves with the interpretation of the human story, whereas the inequalities of capitalism had made it impossible not to desire to change what they had learned. The problem is a complex one, because of the variety of forms assumed to date by the real historical process of formation of the different categories of intellectuals. France offers the example of an accomplished form of harmonious development of the energies of the nation and of the intellectual categories in particular. Most intellectuals did not throw themselves into the emancipatory movement. First Published: Gramsci, Antonio. Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian, journalist, commentator and a Marxist intellectual. 19 “Kulturkampf” was the name given to the struggle waged by Bismarck, in the 1870s, with Liberal support, against Catholic opposition to Prussian hegemony. Every social group, coming into existence on the original terrain of an essential function in the world of economic production, creates together with itself, organically, one or more strata[1] of intellectuals which give it homogeneity and an awareness of its own function not only in the economic but also in the social and political fields. “Hegemony” was most likely derived from the Greek egemonia, whose root is egemon, meaning “leader, ruler, often in the sense of a state other than his own” (Williams, Keywords 144). One of the most important characteristics of any group that is developing towards dominance is its struggle to assimilate and to conquer “ideologically” the traditional intellectuals, but this assimilation and conquest is made quicker and more efficacious the more the group in question succeeds in simultaneously elaborating its own organic intellectuals. View Antonio Gramsci’s “The Intellectuals”.pdf from SOCIOLOGY 6015 at George Washington University. No vast category of traditional intellectuals exists in Central or South America either, but the question does not present itself in the same terms as with the United States. Sometimes, rather, the contrary takes place, and the instrumental masses at least in the person of their own organic intellectuals exercise a political influence on the technicians. Like Marx and Engels he argued for a democratic conception of intellectual activity. [7] Each man, finally, outside his professional activity, carries on some form of intellectual activity, that is, he is a “philosopher”, an artist, a man of taste, he participates in a particular conception of the world, has a conscious line of moral conduct, and therefore contributes to sustain a conception of the world or to modify it, that is, to bring into being new modes of thought. New York: International Publishers, page 3-23; Thus we find the formation of the noblesse de robe, with its own privileges, a stratum of administrators, etc., scholars and scientists, theorists, non-ecclesiastical philosophers, etc. He was not only a thinker involved in the revision and development of Marxism, who wrote in several socialist and communist Italian journals, but … The Hegelian sense of the word “momento”, meaning an aspect of a situation in its concrete (not necessarily temporal) manifestations, has generally been rendered as “moment” but sometimes as “aspect”. 2. •Gramsci and ideology •Vernacular materialism •State power and hegemony •Intellectuals •Imaginaries, ideology, and social domination . Indeed it happens that many intellectuals think that they are the State, a belief which, given the magnitude of the category, occasionally has important consequences and leads to unpleasant complications for the fundamental economic group which really is the State.[G]. Intellectuals of the rural type are for the most part “traditional”, that is they are linked to the social mass of country people and the town (particularly small-town) petite bourgeoisie, not as yet elaborated and set in motion by the capitalist system. This function of a political party should emerge even more clearly from a concrete historical analysis of how both organic and traditional categories of intellectuals have developed in the context of different national histories and in that of the development of the various major social groups within each nation, particularly those groups whose economic activity has been largely instrumental. Naturally this need to provide the widest base possible for the selection and elaboration of the top intellectual qualifications – i.e. The peasant’s attitude towards the intellectual is double and appears contradictory. It should be possible both to measure the “organic quality” [organicit�] of the various intellectual strata and their degree of connection with a fundamental social group, and to establish a gradation of their functions and of the superstructures from the bottom to the top (from the structural base upwards). The lack of a vast sedimentation of traditional intellectuals such as one finds in countries of ancient civilisation explains, at least in part, both the existence of only two major political parties, which could in fact easily be reduced to one only (contrast this with the case of France, and not only in the post-war period when the multiplication of parties became a general phenomenon), and at the opposite extreme the enormous proliferation of religious) sects. Each of these intellectuals put themselves forward as neutral, as beyond class, as scientists of reality. Here again we have preserved Gramsci’s original terminology despite the strangeness that some of these words have in English and despite the fact that it is difficult to discern any systematic difference in Gramsci’s usage between, for instance, subaltern and subordinate. (“Omnesque medicinam Romae professos et liberalium artium doctores, quo libentius et ispi urbem incolerent et coeteri appeterent civitate donavit.” Suetonius, Life of Caesar, XLII.) the petty and middle landed bourgeoisie and certain strata of the petty and middle urban bourgeoisie. In recent years, his ideas have been particularly studied and appreciated by the Latin American left, as they look to the political legacy of this Sardinian revolutionary. For Gramsci’s analysis of this phenomenon, see “The Function of Piedmont”. Gramsci’s general argument, here as elsewhere in the Quaderni, is that the person of peasant origin who becomes an “intellectual” (priest, lawyer, etc.) In the modern world the category of intellectuals, understood in this sense, has undergone an unprecedented expansion. In each social formation, the dominant class determines what is logical and is seen as true. By distinguishing descriptive and prescriptive dimensions to Gramsci's theory, it is possible to see a tension between the dual ethical and political functions that he attributes to ‘organic intellectuals’. Gramsci was clear that there was not one kind but many kinds of intellectuals. Wherever possible we have tried to render each term of Gramsci’s with a single equivalent, as close as possible to the original. [F], 2. This not only social but national and racial separation between large masses of intellectuals and the dominant class of the Roman Empire is repeated after the fall of the Empire in the division between Germanic warriors and intellectuals of romanised origin, successors of the category of freedmen. It also lashes with preconceptions of caste. They import into America, together with themselves, apart from moral energy and energy of the will, a certain level of civilisation, a certain stage of European historical evolution, which, when transplanted by such men into the virgin soil of America, continues to develop the forces implicit in its nature but with an incomparably more rapid rhythm than in Old Europe, where there exists a whole series of checks (moral, intellectual, political, economic, incorporated in specific sections of the population, relics of past r�gimes which refuse to die out) which generate opposition to speedy progress and give to every initiative the equilibrium of mediocrity, diluting it in time and in space. [B] But the monopoly held by the ecclesiastics in the superstructural field[C] was not exercised without a struggle or without limitations, and hence there took place the birth, in various forms (to be gone into and studied concretely), of other categories, favoured and enabled to expand by the growing strength of the central power of the monarch, right up to absolutism. It was a function of international and cosmopolitan outward radiation and of imperialistic and hegemonic expansion in an organic fashion, very different (therefore from the Italian experience, which was founded on scattered personal migration and did not react on the national base to potentiate it but on the contrary contributed to rendering the constitution of a solid national base impossible. And we have already observed that the entrepreneur, by virtue of his very function, must have to some degree a certain number of qualifications of an intellectual nature although his part in society is determined not by these, but by the general social relations which specifically characterise the position of the entrepreneur within industry. If scarcity is the main concept, then the discipline asks the next question: how to best distribute scarce goods, for which the answer is ‘the market’. There has been a massive development, on top of an industrial base, of the whole range of modern superstructures. Such a posture of detachment was simply not possible. The country which is best equipped in the construction of instruments for experimental scientific laboratories and in the construction of instruments with which to test the first instruments, can be regarded as the most complex in the technical-industrial field, with the highest level of civilisation, etc. The intellectuals are the dominant group’s “deputies” exercising the subaltern functions of social hegemony and political government. The change-resistant crystallisations which survive to this day in these countries are the clergy and a military caste, two categories of traditional intellectuals fossilised in a form inherited from the European mother country. Theirs were texts of interpretation, texts that began with an attitude towards reality that suggested its intractable nature. But was not this the case with the Jews up to and throughout the eighteenth century? The capitalist entrepreneur creates alongside himself the industrial technician, the specialist in political economy, the organizer of a new culture, of a new legal order, etc.’. Some distinctions must be made: 1. However, every “essential” social group which emerges into history out of the preceding economic structure, and as an expression of a development of this structure, has found (at least in all of history up to the present) categories of intellectuals already in existence and which seemed indeed to represent an historical continuity uninterrupted even by the most complicated and radical changes in political and social forms. How is it that the world produces more than hunger desires? It is, however, the intellectual of the dominant classes who is able to establish their views of social life as universal views. Gramsci develops this Leninist schema in a new way, relating it to the problems of the working class as a whole. See Introduction to Selections from the Prison Notebooks, page xxxv ff. F Within productive technique those strata are formed which can be said to correspond to NCO’s in the army, that is to say, for the town, skilled and specialised workers and, for the country (in a more complex fashion) share-cropping and tenant farmers – since in general terms these types of farmer correspond more or less to the type of the artisan, who is the skilled worker of a mediaeval economy. the emergence of a strongly 'humanist' and 'culturalist' current in the writings of Raymond Williams. This massive intellectual construction explains the function of culture in France in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It is less in the Catholic parts of Germany and in France; rather greater in Italy, particularly in the South and in the islands; and very great indeed in the Iberian peninsula and in the countries of Latin America. This means that, although one can speak of intellectuals, one cannot speak of non-intellectuals, because non-intellectuals do not exist. He respects the social position of the intellectuals and in general that of state employees, but sometimes affects contempt for it, which means that his admiration is mingled with instinctive elements of envy and impassioned anger. The permanent persuader, the new intellectual, Gramsci notes, is the person who is devoted to working to alleviate the grievances of the people, to elaborate popular consciousness, to push the suffocating narrowness of thought outwards and make more and more space for popular struggles to sustain themselves and win. Gramsci’s emphasis on critical awareness, the importance of intellectuals being part of everyday life, and on the part played by so-called ‘common sense’ in maintaining the status quo have helped to open up the transformational … For these purposes, within limits, there exists the professional association, in which the economic-corporate activity of the tradesman, industrialist or peasant is most suitably promoted. Thus there are historically formed specialised categories for the exercise of the intellectual function. The mode of being of the new intellectual can no longer consist in eloquence, which is an exterior and momentary mover of feelings and passions, but in active participation in practical life, as constructor, organiser, “permanent persuader” and not just a simple orator (but superior at the same time to the abstract mathematical spirit); from technique-as-work one proceeds to technique-as-science and to the humanistic conception of history, without which one remains “specialised” and does not become “directive"[9] (specialised and political).

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